Section 54 of the Access to Justice Act prevents a matter being taken before the Supreme Court if the Court of Appeal (at the Royal Courts of Justice) has refused permission to appeal. This refusal prevents the proper development of law, and effectively gives the Lord Justices of Appeal a right of veto over its own precedent being considered and reviewed by a higher authority (the Supreme Court).
Repeal of s.54 of the Access to Justice Act will assist in reducing delays to legal reform, and in the example set out below, would have ensured that child welfare is better safeguarded. It would protect both the judiciary and our legal system from reputational harm.
For the law to be upheld, it must be open to scrutiny and perceived to be beyond reproach. There must be a system of checks and balances. This statute precludes this.
Where the Royal Courts grant leave to appeal to the Supreme Court, the applicant should have the assistance of legal aid, given that matters of great constitutional or social importance go before the Supreme Court. Where it is accepted by the Lord Justices of Appeal that an application is meritorious, the limited financial means of an applicant should not preclude arguments being properly set forth by counsel. In such circumstances, the fees for an application should also be waived. Where there are general points of law to be reviewed which impact on more than a single applicant's case, there should be no barrier to a full and open review, and one where the applicant is assisted by expert counsel. Such an outcome is in the public interest.
Why the contribution is important
The Access to Justice Act prevents the 'proper development of law'. A prime example was the repeated refusal by Lord Justices of Appeal to allow permission to appeal the binding precedent and ideology with controls judicial determination of relocation cases in family law. [1]
Our legal system prohibits a review of precedent made by a court of equal or lower status under the legal rule of stare decisis, meaning that a court cannot overturn its own precedent except in rare circumstances, such as the precedent having been set without due consideration of statute or earlier precedent. Where 'bad' or 'out-of-date' law exists, only a higher court can overturn it.
In leave to remove and relocation cases, the existing precedent was set in 2001 in the case Payne v Payne which followed an ideology first set forth in law in 1970 based on a 70s view of parenting and children's needs. [2]
Since 2001, there has been published a compelling body of academic research which finds that children are harmed when separated from a parent, and this research has not been properly heard by the courts, nor allowed to influence the current guidance. [3]
The courts are bound by precedent to pay great weight to what is commonly referred to as the 'distress argument', a judicial belief that to deny a parent the right to relocate with the children will cause them such distress that the children will suffer significant harm. There has been no research to support such a belief in 40 years. No research need be presented in evidence at trial to support that such a risk exists since, in law, the legal principle of 'judicial notice' allows for the judiciary to accept arguments and set precedent without there being supporting evidence. Where the presiding judge believes a matter is widely held, it need not be proven. This makes more important a system of checks and balances. Psychiatric professionals stated in 2005 that relocation was not an effective treatment for parental anxiety or depression, and that no evidence existed to support the judiciary's unsubstantiated ideology as set out in Payne v Payne. [4]
The contemporary research which challenges the courts' guidance is precluded from being afforded sufficient weight, and routinely goes ignored and unheeded in relocation cases. That research confirms that children are subject to psychological, developmental and emotional harm when separated from a parent. Such harm is compounded when children are removed from the familiarity of homes, culture, school and through the loss or diminishing of their existing friendships and relationships. [5]
Whether such harm should be considered is a matter of debate, but in practice, it rarely is. Despite this knowledge, permission to relocate is granted in 90% of cases. The Children Act 1989 sets out that the child's welfare must be the court's paramount consideration, yet the precedent casts an illegitimate gloss on the purity of this statutory principle. In practice, the parent's wishes outrank what research informs us are the children's needs.
Appeals to the Royal Courts of Justice have commonly been heard and refused by the same Lord Justice of Appeal whose guidance was set out in the binding precedent from Payne v Payne. [6]
Since 2009 there has been mounting criticism by charities, the legal profession, the public, the international community, MPs, psychiatric professionals, and celebrities of that precedent. [7]
The condemnation of the court's approach has been considerable, and it culminated in 2009 with Sir Bob Geldof writing 'The court is entirely informed by outdated social engineering models and contemporary attitudes rather than fact, precedent rather than common sense and modish unproven nostrums rather than present day realities. It is a disgraceful mess. A farrago of cod professionalism and faux concern largely predicated on nonsensical social guff, mumbo-jumbo and psycho-babble. Dangling at the other end of this are the lives of thousands of British children and their families.' [7]
It was only after the High Court urged that the matter be urgently reviewed by the Supreme Court and the publication of a declaration by international judiciary in Washington which conflicted with the UK courts' guidance that the self same Lord Justice of Appeal accepted on national radio and later in a speech, that the guidance in Payne was out-of-date, and required review, yet permission to appeal must still be granted in an individual case. [8] [9 [10] [11]
A review by the Supreme Court must still await an individual parent coming foward with the financial means to cover considerable legal and court fees. Until that time, the lower courts must heed guidance that even its own creator now doubts. The question remains, why did this take years for the judiciary to accept, when their own profession had question their reasoning 5 years before. Why was permission to appeal still being refused in January 2010. [12]
Had the (somewhat perversely named) Access to Justice Act 1999 not enabled the Lord Justices of Appeal to boycott an earlier review by the Supreme Court, thousands of British children's welfare might have been adequately safeguarded.
End Notes
1. s.54 of the Access to Justice Act 1999
2. Payne v Payne [2001] EWCA Civ 166
3. The Custody Minefield: 'Relocation: Children's Needs and Rights Parliamentary Briefing Report published December 2009'
4. 2005 Law Society Debate - 'Is leave to remove too easily granted'. 85% of solicitors who took part said yes, and Dr Mark Berelowitz found there to be no evidence which supported the 'distress argument'
5. ibid 3. The compelling body of research findings is provided in the December 2009 Custody Minefield Report.
6. G (A Child) [2008] EWCA Civ 1468 and R (a Child) [2009] as reported in the press.
7. ibid 3. Foreword by Sir Bob Geldof.
8. see Relocation Campaign website, and media coverage.
9. AR (A Child) [2010] EWHC 1346 (Fam)
10. Radio 4 Interview with Lord Justice Thorpe (30.06.10 - 7.30am)
11. 'Relocation: The Search for Common Principles' (London Metropolitan University) [June 2010]
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G (Leave to Remove) [2008] 1 FLR 1587,
JonDavies
CEO FNF.
lets hope common sense prevails
Well done for getting it under the spot light Micheal lets hope people never forget your hard work
Kind regards Colin
Mark
My 4 boys were abducted by my wife from England in 2005.
Secured return through European law on international abduction.
Only to discover that abduction was a benefit to her in proving status quo of being sole carer.
Barrister told me I had 0% chance of joint residence in UK since Payne v Payne history and case law meant mother gets children.
It is totally gender biased and against Human Rights act on gender discrimination.
My children and my life have been effected severely, I lost 80% in the divorce, she became rich I became poor, and I have to travel 1000 miles each month across 4 countries costing £500 each time to see my kids for 24 hours of access.
Payne v Payne is an absolute Pain especially to children who like the left behind father feel a strong sense of BEREAVEMENT for the loss of their flesh and blood parent/child(ren).
Shame on the UK legal system for having ever come up with something as nasty as to destroy families like this.
Payne v Payne has harmed so many children, please let us put an end to this.
There is absolutely no reason why parenthood should be shattered by divorce. The maintenance of shared parenting is far more important to the children's future happiness and stability than many courts appear to believe. And until they believe it, they will fail to enforce anything more than lip service.
A new broom is required to sweep away the dust and the wigs in our pre-victorian system. Allowing fresh air into the decision making process would be a direct result of the above proposals. We are a modern democracy, so let's behave like one.
In Norway, when a parent wishes to relocate a child, (usually) she is ordered to pay half the costs incurred by the non-resident parent in (usually) his keeping in touch with the children.
The judge refused to remove unsubstantiated concerns, saying that we need to be psychologically and sociologically assessed before any judgement could be made.
It then took over 2 years (during which time the children were kept in foster care in a hidden location, frightened out of their wits and CRYING THEMSELVES TO SLEEP EVERY NIGHT).
- This kind of mental torture is tolerated because they are allegedly being kept "safe" from harm. Ironically, we were subsequently accused of emotionally harming our children... during which time our children were being cruelly and callously mentally abused by the very professionals attempting to prosecute us for abuse!!!!
Several "experienced" child psychologists pronounced us totally unfit to care for children (our children were 6 & 8 at the time; there had been no previous concerns regarding the raising of our children, but all of a sudden we were incapable of attending to our children's emotional and physical needs).
The psychological reports were so full of mumbo jumbo and lacked any concrete evidence whatsoever.
"Dr" John Stevens diagnosed me as having a Narcissistic Personality Disorder, based on criteria he looked up in the DSM (a psychiatric American cookbook that is itself a guide not based on scientific studies; in fact several studies have shown the diagnoses to be remarkably inaccurate if the same symptoms are presented to different therapists).
Then Mike Shaw, a consultant child psychologist stated categorically that we were so dangerous that the children should never be returned and that all contact should be terminated. This was based on a 2-hour interview in our home, and another 2-hour observation outdoors with the children while we held a birthday party for our daughter.
We did manage to "prove" that we could be fit parents, but only after spending 5 months at the Legard assessment centre (costing £15,000 per month). And even then, the assessment was based on "professional" opinion, rather than any concrete facts. The Legard felt that we were Good Enough parents, so long as we were under their observation and care and guidance. But they weren't so sure whether we'd fare so well "in the community". The judge cautiously allowed the children to be returned to us, but only so long as we were monitored on a daily basis for a year.
After a few months - considering all the serious concerns held about us and our psychological well-being and potential lack of parental skills - the social workers simply ignored us. We were given absolutely no support, no money, and my wife was refused Disability Benefit on the grounds that she wasn't ill enough. Ill enough to spend over £350,000 on protecting the children, but not ill enough to get a little bit of support to help her (us) cope with the extra strain of looking after the children during her illness…
We've learnt from our first-hand experience that the process is ENTIRELY ARBITRARY.
It is time that professionals (including judges) be held personally accountable for their decisions; and that there be strong tests for the submission of (scientifically) verifiable evidence.
Otherwise, it's simply the UK Inquisition.
Why does no one have the courage to state that in some cases, an application for "leave to remove" children is motivated by persistent hostility to a former partner and a very determined and calculated desire to exclude the children from the life - as an act of vengence?
This demonstrates the true ineffectiveness and lack of transparency of the UK's family law. It should be re-written by good parents instead of by politicians or lawyers.
Toast to success!
Ian J
I support this proposal 100%.
Both parents should be made to consider important decisions and the impact on the child. Ultimately, the child needs to be put first, not the wishes or wants of the resident parent.
NeilB(FNF Trustee Nominee)
Society has changed greatly in the last 40 years but the law hasn't.
More and more studies show how improtant it is for BOTH parents to be part of a childs life. Family law needs to change to keep up, it is years behind at the moment.
Shared parenting is the best way forward, but if one parent can just remove a child hundreds of miles away, it makes this aim impossible.
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